Two years ago today, on the 15th March 2011, small-scale protests were held in the southern city of Daraa in Syria in response to the imprisonment and torture of young students for writing anti-government graffiti. A small event in a small city which in normal circumstances would be insignificant, but, by this point, two Arab dictators had been swept from power by popular protests in Egypt and Tunisia, unrest was brewing in Yemen and Bahrain, and a civil war had broken out in Libya. This was part of the Arab Spring revolutionary wave, a new generation’s chance to claim freedom in a region infamous for brutal dictatorships and human rights abuses; a revolution which Syria’s government, headed by President Bashar al-Assad, was determined to prevent affecting his own country.
He failed. As any thinking person could have perceived simply from the events of the last few months: oppression does not stop a popular uprising. Perhaps Assad had hoped for a repeat of the Hama Massacre of 1982, an undocumented brutality by the Syrian regime which quelled an Islamic protest in the city of Hama, estimated to have killed tens of thousands. In this age of the internet and mass communications truths cannot be hidden, and within days the protests had spread across the country. The government responded, predictably, with bullets. The protesters responded, predictably, with bullets of their own.
Two years on, what began as a peaceful protest has erupted into a full scale civil war, estimated to have claimed the lives of over 70,000 people and caused over 1 million Syrians to flee the country, in addition to 2 million who are internally displaced. The country’s population was no more than 21 million before the war. Unlike in Libya, where NATO had a UN mandate to intervene which brought about the downfall of Colonel Gaddafi, the international community has not become involved. This is largely due to divisions: the West would like to see the Assad regime fall, partly because of humanitarian reasons but also due to his alliance with Iran. However they are reluctant to do anything which could cause the situation to become anymore unstable; the horrific ethnic violence which resulted from the Iraq war is still fresh in recent memory. A ‘Friends of Syria’ group has given the opposition political support; words and little else. Only Qatar and Saudi Arabia are openly arming the opposition, and I highly doubt they are doing so in the name of democracy. Furthermore, Russia and China both have strategic interests in Syria and have thus far refused attempts to take action against the Syrian government. Their roles as permanent members on the UN Security Council has meant no resolutions against the regime can be adopted.
There is, however, a sign things are changing. Recently both Prime Minister Cameron of the UK and President Hollande of France have suggested the possibility of arming the Syrian opposition – even if it means going against an EU arms sanction. I can appreciate the dangers of such action, that it could cause more suffering and deaths, and that the weapons could fall into the arms of Islamic extremists. My own personal belief is that both these things will happen anyway; the longer the stalemate goes on, the more people will die, and an Islamic group called the Al-Nusra Front has assumed massive influence in opposition-held parts of Syria – the Syrian people, abandoned by the world, have understandably turned to such groups. The Assad regime is finished – of that there is no doubt. Arming the rebels will bring the inevitable end to the war closer, in the long run resulting in fewer deaths and preventing Islamist groups from gaining any more influence.
Another interesting, small point to note is that the Syrian opposition, under the umbrella group ‘Syrian National Coalition’ – which has recognition from half of the world – has taken Syria’s seat in the Arab League. The Arab League has taken a surprisingly anti-tyranny stance during the Arab Revolutions, considering its reputation as a kind of ‘Despots Club’ in the past.
I wrote in my 2013 predictions that the Assad regime would collapse this year. This is no closer to a reality now than it was back in January and, while I am absolutely certain his government will not survive this war, he has surprised everyone by clinging onto power where others have not. No one knows when, or how, this conflict will end. Most analysts agree that the capture or death of Assad and the complete unraveling of his regime would probably not end the violence. Wartime alliances would collapse – most likely the Free Syrian Army, the largest opposition armed group, would turn against the Al-Nusra Front. The conflict already has an unsettling ethnic element, as Assad’s government is comprised largely of Alawites, whereas the rebellion has its core within Sunni Muslim groups. Villages have turned upon each other, resulting in horrific massacres. This could become far worse. Syria could even collapse entirely and become a failed state like Somalia or Western Sahara. It will be a long time before Syria sees stability once again.